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The International Commission on Nobility and Royalty
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Sovereignty in the Holy Roman Empire  
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Sovereignty: Ancient and Modern
" Sovereignty is the quality of having supreme, independent authority over a territory." ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sovereignty) Wherever sovereignty is exercised, there is government. In other words, this principle has existed since the beginning of governments and nations. Its principles have come from time immemorial down through the corridors of history and practice and can be seen in the ancient books of antiquity. Its principles are part of the wisdom of the ages and are a reflection what just and true in national and international discourse. However, the need for sovereignty was brought most powerfully and poignantly to the attention of the world in the 17th century, because of the printing press and because of the tragic circumstances and destruction brought about by the Eighty Years' War between Spain and the Netherlands and the Thirty Years' War between Catholic and Protestant European nations. These circumstance laid the foundation for the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, which articulated the need and many of the particulars of international sovereignty law. It is not surprising that scholars were deeply impressed and concerned with these conflicts and their appalling outcome. Hugh Grotius (1583-1645), one of the most important of the founding fathers of international law, wrote his famous  three volume classic, On the Law of War and Peace in 1625 in reaction to it. Professor Philip M. Nichols, Associate Professor of Legal Studies and Business Ethics, The Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, taught that Grotius's:
. . . intellectual descendant Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz [1646-1716] a diplomat for and advisor to various rulers of German principalities . . . spent his life balancing the overarching rule of the Holy Roman Empire against the independence of his employers. Of necessity Leibniz found his employers to be sovereigns and the polities [territories] they ruled to be legitimate international actors. Samuel Pufendorf [1632-1694], who followed Leibniz, also wrestled with the need to legitimize independent states as they freed themselves from the weakened Holy Roman Empire. He posited that independent states and supreme sovereignty come from God as the author of natural law, thus providing a foundation upon which the independent states could place themselves on equal footing with the empire - an argument based on their divine right to international personhood. The concepts born of the exigencies of Leibniz and Pufendorf became dogma as generations of international legal scholars - from Wolff through Vattel and Kant to Kelsen --- preoccupied themselves with [the] conception [of] international legal personhood [or modern state]. (Integrated Sovereignty, 2008 Seminar Lecture: http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent .cgi?article =1002&context=philip_nichols)
 This principle [of sovereignty] retains its vitality in international tribunals to this day. (Ibid.) Black's Law Dictionary describes sovereignty as:
. . . Supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable power . . . , supreme political authority; the supreme will; . . . the self-sufficient source of political power from which all specific political powers are derived; . . . the power of regulating . . . internal affairs without foreign dictation . . . . (1430 (8th ed. 2004)
Professor Nichols wrote, Local courts throughout the world [in modern times] use the definition found in Blacks, or a similar absolutist definition. (Ibid.) However, . . . in the world no entity [no country, nation or kingdom] possesses absolute control over everything, nor should it. (Ibid.) In other words, . . . there has never been a mythical past in which states could exercise absolute control and authority. (Katherine L. Lynch, The forces of economic globalization: challenges to the regime of International Commercial Arbitration, 2006, pp. p. 52-53) Sovereignty does not mean something extreme in practice as some scholars seem to infer phisophically. It is not something that is always in constant exercise or easily observed. It means the right exists to use supreme, absolute power, if necessary, but such is rarely done, because power is always limited. For example, in a federation as in the Holy Roman Empire, power was separated and divided by checks and balances. But, if necessary, sovereignty, which is absolute, could be used for the best interests and good of the nation, if it was in an emergency situation like being under attack or if martial law had to be employed. Otherwise, the full weight, power, and glory of sovereignty is dormant and passive, and various separate and distinct entities exercise the sovereign power delegated to them.
 Nevertheless, the absolutist definition of sovereignty has become a favorite punching bag of legal scholars and political scientists, yet this judgment or practice is unfair, since sovereignty is an absolute right or entitlement, not something openly manifest or in constant use. (op.cit., " Integrated Sovereignty") So, while this notion of sovereignty has provoked criticism, it [the concept of sovereignty] retains vitality in international use, and remains the cornerstone [or the fundamental and most seminal principle] of international law. (Ibid.) It is indispensable to the nations and society not only back then, but now.
Therefore, even though it is rarely used in practice, the right or privilege of sovereignty is absolute and supreme. This most powerful of all political concepts . . . is built upon an absolutist concept of sovereignty, in ancient as well as modern times. (Ibid.) In other words, . . . sovereignty [absolutist sovereignty] . . . dominates international law. (Ibid.) It has for hundreds of years. In our day and age, Courts [both local and international] continue to use the absolutist definition. . . . (Ibid.) . . . The absolutists conception of sovereignty dominates scholarly discourse as well. (Ibid.) Because, no matter how it is criticized, no one can get away from the fundamental soundness of sovereignty in the world. (Ibid.) In other words, sovereignty is a robust concept that has withstood the test of time. Professor Nichols explained:
Richard Steinberg summarizes the manners in which the traditional, absolutist concept of sovereignty expresses itself jurisprudentially:
Legal sovereignty implies that each state has the legal competence to, inter alia, participate in the international system on an equal footing with other states, conclude treaties on the basis of consent, exclude other states from interfering in its internal affairs, govern the affairs of its domestic territory, and control its borders. The state so conceived is seen as the central global actor by lawyers in most international organizations and ministries of foreign affairs, defense, and trade. [Richard H. Steinberg, Who Is Sovereign?, 40 STAN. J. INTL L. 329, 329 (2004)]
In other words, the state is the sole international actor and as such is inviolate [it cannot be lawfully violated] by other international actors. (Ibid.)
Sovereignty means self-determination. Sovereignty means equality or equal rights between nation-states. Sovereignty means territorial integrity and non-interference by outside players. As stated in The Schooner Exchange v. MFaddon, 11 U.S. (7 Cranch) 116, 136 (1812), the Court
states in no uncertain terms that, "The jurisdiction of the nation within its own territory is necessarily exclusive and absolute. It is susceptible of no limitation not imposed by itself. Any restriction upon it, deriving validity from an external source, would imply a diminution of its sovereignty to the extent of the restriction. . . ." (Ibid.)
Because the principle of supreme authority within its own borders is so important to peace and prosperity in the world, sovereignty has been studied and thought about a great deal especially since 1648. In the days of the Holy Roman Empire, a number of scholars and jurists tried, but could not identify, label or explain who or what entity in that great Empire was sovereign. This baffled them, because it was so complicated. A simplified and realistic legal  view was that the Emperor was " de jure" or the rightful sovereign, while the Princes of the Empire were " defacto" sovereigns --- the actual or real rulers in their own realms and through their Councils on a collective basis for the whole empire. (See: David Boucher, " Resurrecting Pufendorf and Capturing the Westphalian Moment," Review of International Studies, Vol. 27, no. 4, 2001, p. 562) This same arrangement can be seen in the case of constitutional monarchies, the king or sovereign prince holds all sovereignty in a suspended state. Though he obligates himself to follow certain ordained rules in a constitution, he is still the sovereign, who holds all its full rights, but in a dormant manner, that is, he possesses all the power and glory of the nation, but his power is in an inactive or passive role. In other words, he is the " de jure" or rightful ruler as Head of State, and the legislature and executive branches are the " defacto" or actual rulers as Heads of the Government. (See the subchapter The King and the Constitution. . . in the article " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty")
Interestingly, a wrongfully deposed monarch, whether he was absolute or limited, is " de jure" or rightful --- the same as most constitutional monarchs. Both hold, in an inoperative way, all the supernal qualities of a true sovereign, that is: 
1. Ius Imperrii is the right to command and legislate,
2. Ius Gladii is the right to enforce ones commands,
3. Ius Majestatis is the right to be honored, respected and protected as a sovereign person or monarch,
4. Ius Honorum is the right to honor and reward others.
Absolute, indivisible, inviolate, and inseparable --- sovereignty cannot be divided, mutated, discarded or obliterated rightfully unless it is done willingly. But the point is, sovereignty is all or nothing in reality or by construct. It reigns supreme as the highest principle of governmental power on earth. Quoting from the article " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty," " . . . Absolutes don't exist in degrees. You can't be partially pregnant, sort of dead, kind of human, or almost sovereign. These are not absolute conditions." One either has all the rights or none of them. Obviously, neither the " de jure" monarch or the reigning constitutional monarch can command and legislate or enforce their commands in their present state without permission --- this sovereign power is inactive, but most have the active right to be honored and respected, and the right to honor and reward others. Nevertheless, both the " de jure" and the regnant or reigning sovereigns have all  the rights of sovereignty in either an active or passive mode. That is, either they hold all the glory and majesty of sovereignty embodying all four royal rights, or they are not sovereign and royal at all. Professor Nichols declared that scholars reinforce the concept and so does the law and so do the courts. (op. cit.)
The article " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty" describes how a " de jure" monarch and/or his heirs can lose all four rights permanently, and how they can keep them indefinitely throughout their generations forever, if they abide by the international laws that determine either continuation or the complete and total forfeiture of those royal prerogatives.
The Holy Roman Empire
The Holy Roman Empire (Heiliges römisches Reich), which once covered much of what is now Italy, Germany, Switzerland and Austria and some of Poland, started in 800 AD with the crowning of Emperor Charlemagne. Others feel it started 962 AD when Otto I was crowned Emperor. Either way it lasted around a thousand years all the way to 1806, which is quite amazing when you look at the history of most empires: 
Assyria (859-612 B.C.): a 247-year reign.
Persia (538-330 B.C.): a 208-year reign.
Greece (331-100 B.C.): a 231-year reign.
The Roman Republic (260-27 B.C.): a 233-year reign.
The Roman Empire (27 B.C.-180 A.D.): a 207-year reign.
The Arab Empire (634-880 A.D.): a 246-year reign.
The Mameluke Empire (1250-1517 A.D.): a 267-year reign.
The Ottoman Empire (1320-1570 A.D.): a 250-year reign.
Spain (1500-1750 A.D.): a 250-year reign.
Romanov Russia (1682-1916 A.D.): a 234-year reign.
Britain Empire (1700-1950 A.D.): a 250-year reign.
The USA (1790-2009 A.D.): 219 years and counting.
The first period of the Holy Roman Empire was from 962 AD to 1250 AD and was called the " age of the Emperors," the second period was the " age of the Princes" from 1250 to 1438, then  came the " Early Hapsburg" period from 1438 to 1648, and the final phase from 1648 to the end of the Empire, which was declared on August 6, 1806. ( www.biblebelievers.biz/hrea.htm)
The Holy Roman Empire was a mix between a monarchy and an aristocracy. It was a confederation of independent states, which made decisions in the Imperial Diet or Council by majority vote. This created a separation of powers. " . . . The princes were not mere officials of the Empire [or of a centralized government] with delegated powers, but true rulers [sovereigns or monarchs] who represented their [independent] dominions in the Imperial Diet. . . ." (Heinz H. F. Eulau, "Theories of Federalism under the Holy Roman Empire," The American Political Science Review, Vol. 35, No. 4 (August 1941), p. 663) The Emperor and the many separate territorial monarchs constituted the soveregn rights of the whole.
Sovereignty --- the supreme power (the summum imperium or suprema potestas) over subjects was administered via the constitution of the Empire. However, the supreme law was never made into a simple written document. Rather it consisted of an assortment of unwritten traditions and practices created throughout its history along with formal statutes and treaties and both written and unwritten legal oaths or assurances. Hence, the fundamental rules were complicated, vague and sometimes contradictory rather than being definitive, explicit and perfectly clear. (Gagliardo, John G. Reich and Nation: the Holy Roman Empire as idea and reality, 1763-1806 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980, p. 16) ( http://grmrulers.angelfire.com/Constit.html) 
The most fundamental documents that made up the constitution of the Empire were the following:
the constitutions of Frankfurt 1220 and 1232 recognizing the rights of spiritual and temporal princes. ( http://welt-jahrtausend.de
the constitution of 1338 (Frankfurt) freeing the election of the emperor from papal control.
the ordinances (Ordnungen) of 1495 (revised 1555) and 1518 (revised 1654) on the courts of justice.
the Capitulatio Caesarea (Wahlkapitulation), issued at each election from 1519, consolidated in a perpetual edict in 1711.
the religious treaties (Passau 1552, Augsburg 1555) on religious toleration
In spite of this complication, the Empire held together for about a thousand years, even though the elected Emporers, especially after 1648, became basically nothing more than a committee  chairman over a board of over 300 very powerful and very independent princely directors. However:
While each German principality had its own legal system, the final Courts of Appeal applied to the whole of the Holy Roman Empire the final appellate was the Emperor himself, and his decisions in cases brought to him were final and binding on all subordinates. The Emperor could, and did, depose princes when they were found by the courts to be at fault. ( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Westphalian
Nevertheless, territorial supremacy of each imperial state prevailed as the general ruling principle, but each had to recognize the Imperial suzerainty no matter how weak this over-ruler or emperor was.
It is estimated that the Empire was composed of over 1800 separate entities loosely connected or federated together into an conglomerate of little semi-independent countries. Each was ruled respectively over their own king, duke, prince, archbishop, prince/bishop, count, abbess, city council, lord, baron or other ruling entity possessing direct Imperial immediacy, or ruling a mediatized realm under a more powerful overlord who owned or held virtual sovereignty over it. (Ibid.)
François R. Velde, a historian and scholar on German history, stated:
Sovereignty [among these territories in the Holy Roman Empire] was considered to be bestowed by the Emperor, and its possession to result from an investiture by the Emperor [but] . . . the right to receive the investiture was nevertheless attached to the land, and could not be denied by the Emperor.
Sovereignty was exercised: by hereditary lords, by elected prelates, by municipal governments. It could pass by inheritance, testament, investiture, infeoffment [complete surrender and transfer of all land ownership rights from one person to another], or even sale [buying it by purchase] or lien [the right to take another's property if an obligation is not discharged]. Its possession or enjoyment did not require noble status. It could be owned jointly in condominium [with two or more rulers]. ( www.heraldica.org/topics/national/hre.htm#Sovereignty)
It was common place in the Holy Roman Empire for territorial sovereignty to be bought and sold, mortgaged, and transferred between different owners and therefore title bearers. (See: " The Buying and Selling of Sovereignty" in the article " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty" This subsection gives many examples of such. More examples exist in the article " General Principles and Practices.") By this means, sovereignty, titles, regalian, ownership  and nobility were conveyed from one person to another. Two good examples of the right to transfer sovereignty in international law is demonstrated in the Western Hemisphere where the United States purchased the Louisiana Territory from Imperial France in 1803 and the purchase of the Alaskan Territory from Imperial Russia in 1867. (Ibid.)
Although sovereignty existed before the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, this marked the beginning of a universal recognition of three great principles upon which the world has been organized ever since this important time in the world's history:
(1) The principle of the sovereignty of states and the fundamental right of political self determination,
(2) The principle of (legal) equality between states, and
Besides the above, sovereignty among the States of the Holy Roman Empire basically meant that each State had the right to dispense justice, collect taxes, tolls, mint coins, have mineral rights, seigniorial rights --- the right to be the lord, master and owner of the land and all that pertains to it, the right to sell or mortgage the territory and its titles, the right to be honored and to  honor others, the right to make treaties, to protect oneself, enforce laws and have an army of defenders. The various territories had these rights to various degrees depending on their power and independence in the realm.
The right to make treaties with other nations could "not be against the emperor, and the Empire, nor against the publick Peasce. . . ." (Stephen D. Krasner, "Sovereignty," Foreign Policy, No. 122 (January - February 2001), p. 21) Each prince was to be secure in the possession of his territory and have equal liberty with the stronger princes. No prince was to oppress, interfere or meddle in the affairs any one else's territorial dominion. (Peter Schroder, "The Constitution of the Holy Roman Empire after 1648," The Historical Journal, Vol. 42, No. 4 (Dec., 1999), p. 971) The vast majority of the lower ranks of the nobility never enjoyed any kind of sovereignty.
An electoral prince, duke, prince, count, baron, or lord could and did use the title of their territories, which basically became their names, but custom and practice in the Holy Roman Empire also permitted the following:
The family could use the title of a territory it did not own when it:
a. claimed a territory [even one that is extinct] (e.g. Dukes of Saxony bore titles of the extinct house of Jülich-Kleve);
b. owned a territory in the past (e.g. Archdukes of Austria bore titles of Dukes of Burgundy and Lorraine). (2009: http://web.archive.org/web/20071110132006
/www.geocities.com/vrozn/Constit.html & 2009: http://sam_smith1_07755
.tripod.com/The.Holy.Roman.Empire/id19.html)
 There are other examples, but this is sufficient for this subject.
There was a time, when Italy was a part of the Empire, that the Emperor was considered to be the "ruler of the whole habitable world" and the personification of all the is lawful and legal, by right of being the legal heir to the ancient Roman Empire after corronation by the Chief Pontiff or Catholic Pope. He was thus considered to be the "lord of the world," holding the supreme civil power above all others on earth. "No imperial privilege was prized more hghly than of creating kings, for there was none which raised the emperor so much above them. . . . The prerogative was his in the same manner in which that of conferring titles is still held to belong to the sovereign in every modern kingdom. (James Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 1873, p. 250) A number of kings were created by this high authority and a number of requests were turned down. This exalted status, which was above all kings, was gradually erroded and diminished expecially when other rulers became Emperors, such as, those in Russia and other places. The Holy Roman Emperors also occasionally upgraded a number of territories in title, dignity or power like from lordship to a county or county to a principality, which it is believed required the approval of the Imperial Council. But they had full authority to give out the high distinction of being an Imperial Prince, Count or Baron (Reichsfürst, Reichsgraf or Reichsfreiherr) and Imperial Knighthoods. In the latter years of the Empire, the prince/owner of a prominent Imperial State with a vote in the Council of the Princes, who paid the proper yearly taxes and the normally required support, was automatically accorded the status of a royal or imperial "Prince of the Empire" or Reichsfürst.
The nature of the Imperial honor of being the Emperor was legally elective, not hereditary. The Emperor was chosen or elected by the Prince Electors --- usually the most powerful men in the Empire. Although the office was elective, often the son of the last emperor was chosen as king of the Germans and when this was confirmed by the pope, he received the title of Emperor. The number of electors was set at 7 in 1356, changed to 8 in 1648, 9 in 1708, 8 in 1777, 6 in 1801 and 10 in 1803, but the new electors were never confirmed before the empire was abolished. (Ibid.) The four new electors were from Würtemberg, Baden, Hessen-Kassel and Salzburg, none of them ever exercised any votes. These Electors represented the highest  council in the Empire --- the Kurfürstenrat. The next level was the Council of Princes or Fürstenrat which consisted of first, the clerics or ecclesiastical princes, second, the secular princes (grand-duke, duke, prince, count palatine, margrave, landgrave) and third, the counts and lords. The third division was the Council of the Imperial Cities or Collegium der Reichstädte consisted of 51 cities. These three major divisions constituted the Reichstag or Legislative Body of the Empire. Officers of the Emperor included: High Chancellor of Germany, High Chancellor in Italy, High Chancellor in Gaul and Arles (or Burgundy), Grand Cup-bearer (Butler), High Steward, Grand Marshal, High Chamberlain. These positions were held by hereditary officers called Erbämter. During a coronation of an Emperor, the Elector Prince stood in these positions temporarily.
In 1792, the electors were as follows:
Three ecclesiastic electors
the Archbishop of Mainz (Arch-Chancellor of Germany)
the Archbishop of Trier (Arch-Chancellor of Burgundy)
the Archbishop of Cologne (Arch-Chancellor of Italy)
Five secular electors:
the King of Bohemia (König von Böhmen) Arch-Cupbearer
the Margrave of Brandenburg (Markgraf von Brandenburg) Arch-Chamberlain
the Count Palatine of the Rhine (Pfalzgraf bei Rhein) Arch-Steward
the Duke of Saxony (Herzog von Sachsen) Arch-Marshal
These powerful men held full imperial royalty in the Holy Roman Empire. The princes and counts, who were sovereign, were minor royals. (See the subtitle " Sovereignty and Royalty," in " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty." This was especially true when the Empire was dissolved and " all Imperial Estates, which were not mediatized, received unlimited sovereignty." ( http://grmrulers.angelfire.com/last.html) Napoleon's ambassador  told the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire, or what was left of it in 1806, that the Empire of France, on account of the fact that the German Empire was falling apart, felt:
. . . compelled to declare that he can no longer acknowledge the existence of the German constitution, recognizing . . . the entire and absolute sovereignty of each of the princes whose states compose Germany [the Holy Roman Empire] today, maintaining with them the same relations as with the other independent powers of Europe. (August 1, 1806: http://personal.ashland.edu
The abdication of Francis II, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, did more than abdicate his status and rights as emperor, it dissolved the empire. It was certainly in his power to abdicate (others had done so throughout history), but he had no power to unilaterally or arbitrarily dissolve the whole Empire. However, the empire was under assault and under duress. Napoleon could continue the war and destroy more of the territories and ultimately declare himself emperor. To save the people from this horror, he had to do something. In the meantime, many of the territorial princes had already left the Empire and had formed a confederation with Napoleon. The empire was falling apart. Francis was also under duress personally, because Napoleon gave him an ultimatum of abdicating before  August 10th, 1806 or face a war of subjugation against his own kingdom --- that of Austria. Using his emergency powers, the Emperor not only gave up the Imperial Crown, but he released everyone from their obligations to Emperor and Empire.
This was still legally untenable and unconstitutional, but what made it lawful and legitimate is that everyone in the empire accepted or gave full consent to the dissolution. There was only one exception --- the Elector Prince of Hanover. He nevertheless finally accepted it eight years later in 1814. Hence, it was unanimous and complete.
No effort was ever made to reconstitute and re-establish the empire. It was lost and ended forever. The only way the empire could be resurrected, on a " de jure" basis (we are not discussing a " defacto" or actual kingdom, but only on an abstract/intangible level on a legal basis), is if the majority of the rightful successors to the Elector Princes, that is, Mainz, Trier, Cologne, Bohemia,  Brandenburg, the Palatine of the Rhine, Saxony and Brunswick-Luneburg, elected a new emperor. But this would not be enough. Such a person would be the emperor of nothing. It must be remembered that besides the Elector Princes there were about 300 or so " de jure" sovereign princes and counts, who once constituted the senior rights to the Empire. They are now free " de jure" agents --- completely independent and unconnected to the Empire or anyone else. To reconstitute the Empire, each " de jure" sovereign would have to willingly support such, or it could not be fully and completely restored. That is, according to international law, the rightful heirs to the original territories would have to willingly give up their independence to such an enterprise or there would be no " de jure" empire to rule over.
Years after the fall of the Holy Roman Empire (the First Reich) and two confederations, these individual countries (kingdom, dukedoms, principalities, counties, etc.) did use all their lawful powers, rights and privileges as independent " defacto" sovereign nations to establish a completely new empire --- the Second Reich. It was all done in full accord with the law of nations. And there was a practical need for it, which unity was, at least theoretically, economically beneficial and protective to all.
However, no right minded "de jure" prince in this day and age is going to sell his independent birthright for a mess of pottage --- that is, no one is going to do such for a "de jure" empire that has no benefit to anyone or any inherent good. Who would give up their "de jure" rights to be a part of something that has no real meaning, value, usefulness, relevance or any material benefit? It would not be an actual or "defacto" nation. Hence, it will never happen. It would be virtually impossible to convince all these families to do something that makes no sense.
But this is the only legal way that a lawful restoration of the Holy Roman Empire could take place on a " de jure" basis. The many individual princes, dukes, counts, etc. with " de jure" sovereignty would have to willingly, and without compulsion or duress, give up their independent rights, to an emperor chosen by the successors to the Electoral Princes. All of the above is in full accord with the constituted law and constitution of the Holy Roman Empire as well as current international and dynastic law, which is still effectual and binding today. (See: " Sovereignty & The Future of Nobility and Royalty" and " Dynastic Law")
Conclusion
In other words, there is no "de jure" Holy Roman Empire or emperor today. And the First Reich will never be re-established on either a "de jure" and/or "defacto" or actual level. Anyone claiming such today is out of sync with reality and the constitution of the First Reich as well as with international law. Such a person claiming to be such would be a counterfeit --- impersonating what is real and genuine.
Remember that there are scores of fake or counterfeit orders of chivalry, inaccurate noble and royal lines of ancestry, phony coat-of-arms, and myriads of people, charlatans, ever willing to make a buck selling make-believe or fabricated titles if you contribute enough money. Beware of these people. Some of them are identified on the web page " Title of Nobility Scams and Suspicious Claimants." (See also: " Fake Titles and Counterfeits")
For detailed information on the history and organization of the holy roman empire, see any of the following references that might be of interest: 
Institutions
History
Component states
Other articles in this section:
Main articles written by the Commission:
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